The harmful practices of recent months continue against independent and critical media outlets and journalists, including various forms of violence, intimidation, threats, harassment, persecution, and obstruction of journalistic activities. According to data from the first nine months (January-September) of 2025, Transparency International Georgia has already recorded more than 180 publicly reported cases of this nature, with more than half of them occurring in the last five months. During this period, a particularly alarming case was the arrest of Mzia Amaglobili, founder of the online outlets Batumelebi and Netgazeti, and the sentencing imposed on her of two years’ imprisonment.

Alongside the alarming rise in violence and obstruction of professional activities targeting media representatives, a dangerous practice has emerged: the use of the judiciary and law enforcement agencies by Georgian Dream in line with partisan interests against journalists. This trend is most clearly reflected in the increasing unlawful detentions and fines imposed on journalists, the inappropriate treatment they face from court marshals, and the persistent failure to investigate crimes committed against them. In 2025, there has also been a systematic pattern of creating obstacles for journalists during court proceedings, including their expulsion from courtrooms. This culminated in a complete ban on video and photo recording of trials, which has significantly hampered and complicated journalistic work in the courts, rendering an already non-transparent system even more inaccessible to the public. This year has also been alarming in terms of legislative restrictions imposed on independent and critical media. The adoption of several laws has further complicated the work of media outlets, which already operate with limited financial and technical resources, and in some cases, has made their activities impossible altogether.

The year 2025 has also been dramatically challenging for regional media. According to the Alliance of Regional Broadcasters, due to financial difficulties, 17 out of 21 regional broadcasters have been unable to continue producing daily news. Among them, at the beginning of the year, after many years of operation, Borjomi TV, TV 25 (Adjara), and TV 9 Akhaltsikhe ceased broadcasting entirely. In addition, due to disagreements among its owners, one of the country’s leading critical television channels, Mtavari Arkhi, first suspended broadcasting temporarily in February 2025 and then permanently shut down in May.

Transparency International Georgia has classified the incidents of violence and obstruction against the media into five categories:

1. Physical attacks and violence against media representatives;
2. Administrative fines imposed on journalists;
3. Attacks by the ruling party and pro-government media on critical media outlets;
4. Persecution of critically minded employees within the Public Broadcaster;
5. Denial of entry into the country for foreign journalists.

Such an approach toward the media is characteristic of authoritarian regimes, where free and independent media becomes the primary target of attacks and repression. Disproportionately high fines are among the tools employed by these regimes - as seen, for example, in Belarus and the Russian Federation - where they have proven to be effective instruments for restricting journalistic activity and suppressing protest movements more broadly.

The following section reviews only a portion of the incidents of violence against media representatives documented in the past five months. Data for the first four months of the year was described in a study published by Transparency International Georgia in May.

Physical Attacks and Violence Against Media Representatives

• On September 8, in Tbilisi, during the coverage of violent incidents involving supporters of Georgian Dream against citizens who had gathered near the campaign headquarters of Georgian Dream’s mayoral candidate, Kakha Kaladze, a total of seven journalists were injured:
• Supporters of Georgian Dream attacked and beat Hungarian journalist László Mezőss, who required medical assistance as a result.
• They were obstructed in their journalistic work, and their phones were confiscated, targeting Publika journalists Alexandre Keshelashvili and Keto Mikadze.
• A supporter of Georgian Dream grabbed and then spat on Publika’s editor, Lika Zakashvili.
• A police officer verbally abused and physically assaulted Netgazeti journalist Ketevan Khutsishvili.
• Water was thrown on OC Media director Mariam Nikuradze and Studio Monitor journalist Keti Tutberidze.
• On September 3, during the opening of Georgian Dream’s mayoral candidate Kakha Kaladze’s campaign headquarters, a police officer obstructed Publika’s editor Lika Zakashvili in her professional work and grabbed her arm forcefully.
• In July, a TV Pirveli journalist who had arrived at a police station to prepare a report was locked in a room by the head of the police unit, who unlawfully deprived the journalist of their liberty.
• On June 3, a member of the special forces unit assaulted a TV Pirveli cameraman.
• On May 25, employees of the Khelvachauri Municipal Council struck Ajara Times founder Sulkhan Meskhi­dze and forcibly removed him from the council building.
• On May 12, father of Giorgi Shinjikashvili, former Deputy Governor of Kvemo Kartli, physically assaulted TV Pirveli journalist Mariam Makasarashvili.
• On May 7, police obstructed a photojournalist in the course of their professional duties and forcibly removed them from the area where the Georgian Dream congress was taking place.

Attacks by the Ruling Party and Pro-Government Media on Critical Media in 2025

Instances of attacks and attempts to discredit critical media by representatives of Georgian Dream and pro-government media became even more pronounced:

• On September 21, the incumbent mayor of the capital and General Secretary of Georgian Dream, Kakha Kaladze, responded to a TV Pirveli question about “who protects the Georgian Dream supporters who physically attack peaceful protesters” as follows: “You are the ones who use violence. Then you wonder why the microphone is being hit on your head. You should behave politely.”
• On September 9, the Speaker of Parliament from Georgian Dream, Shalva Papuashvili, accused the outlet Netgazeti of organizing violence because it had published information about a planned protest near the campaign headquarters of Georgian Dream’s mayoral candidate, Kakha Kaladze.
• On September 5, the Prime Minister from Georgian Dream, Irakli Kobakhidze, accused TV Pirveli of receiving illegal funds from Mamuka Khazaradze, the leader of the opposition party Lelo.
• In July 2025, the Prime Minister from Georgian Dream, Irakli Kobakhidze, stated that Nodari Meladze, head of TV Pirveli’s news department and host of the weekly investigative program Nodari Meladze’s Saturday, received directives and funding for disseminating specific information from former Georgian Dream colleagues suspected of corruption. He further labeled Meladze as “corrupt,” “sold out for money,” and “a wretched child of corruption,” which constitutes a clear example of defamation.
• In July 2025, Irakli Kobakhidze linked the alleged suicide attempt of Tornike Rijvadze, former Chairman of the Government of the Autonomous Republic of Adjara, to reports prepared by TV Pirveli and Formula, thereby associating journalistic work and the production of investigative materials concerning specific officials with the encouragement of suicide. This constitutes a particularly serious accusation and a direct attempt to interfere with editorial independence.
• In July 2025, the same messages were reiterated by Mamuka Mdinaradze, then leader of the Georgian Dream parliamentary majority and current head of the State Security Service, who stated that “Levan Khabeishvili [former Chairman of the United National Movement], Nodari Meladze, TV Pirveli, etc., are fabricating certain corrupt segments at someone’s behest.” He also emphasized that the corruption allegations directed at Tornike Rijvadze had originated from the “UNM media” and “UNM journalists.”
• On July 29, it became known that Kartlu Bank, founded by Bidzina Ivanishvili, founder and Honorary Chairman of Georgian Dream, filed a lawsuit against TV Pirveli.
• On July 18, Georgian Dream MP Tea Tsulukiani announced that she would sue TV Pirveli host and journalist Nanuka Zhorzholiani for defamation.
• On June 27, representatives of online media were denied access to the parliamentary briefing delivered by Georgian Dream Prime Minister Irakli Kobakhidze.
• On June 11, Mamuka Mdinaradze labeled TV Pirveli journalist Maka Andronikashvili as a “representative of agent media.” This statement was published verbatim by the pro-government outlet Imedi.
• On May 19, the Speaker of Parliament from Georgian Dream, Shalva Papuashvili, referred to the online outlets Publika and on.ge as propaganda media funded by the European Union budget and accused them of engaging in coordinated activities.
• On May 14, during the annual report of Georgian Dream Speaker of Parliament Shalva Papuashvili, online media representatives were denied access to the legislative chamber.
• On May 7, representatives of online media were also denied access to attend the Georgian Dream party congress.
• On September 26, the pro-government outlet POSTV published a report claiming that a room on TV Pirveli’s premises had been handed over to the “Coalition for Change” for secret meetings, where illegal activities were allegedly being planned.
• On September 26, the pro-government outlet POSTV disseminated information alleging that the TV company “Formula” had been instructed to prepare a negative report about the newly appointed head of its Special Assignments Department.
• On September 12, the pro-government outlet Imedi portrayed the online publications Netgazeti and Batumelebi as foreign-funded media, alleging that they “take sides with Ukraine in the context of Georgian and Ukrainian intelligence services… and, instead of presenting evidence, blame the State Security Service (SSU) for the Ukrainians’ exposure.”
• On July 10, the media platform Chai Khana stated that the pro-government outlet Imedi had disseminated misinformation about the publication, falsely claiming that Chai Khana had received €31,947 from the European Commission and would receive a total of €532,117 under the contract, which was untrue.

Administrative Fines Imposed on Journalists

In 2025, a troubling pattern emerged regarding the imposition of administrative fines on media representatives. Journalists were penalized under the pretext of “blocking roads” as well as based on complaints from Georgian Dream representatives concerning social media posts published by journalists. These actions indicate a concerning attempt by the ruling party to restrict freedom of expression and impose censorship.

In June, based on complaints filed by Georgian Dream deputies regarding posts published on Facebook, the court imposed consensual fines ranging from 3,000 to 4,000 GEL on six journalists:

• Vakho Sanaia, host at Formula;

• Vika Bukia, host at TV First;

• Misha Mshvildaze, co-founder, director, and host at Formula;

• Eka Mishveladze, host at TV First;

• Nanuka Zhorzholiani, host at TV First;

• Dea Mamiseishvili, former host and journalist at Mtavari TV.

Additionally, in June, Ana Maria Gelitashvili, a journalist at Formula covering a protest in her professional capacity, was fined 5,000 GEL for a second time on the grounds of so-called “blocking the road.” On the same grounds, photographer Goga Chanadiri was also fined 5,000 GEL.

In May, journalists Natia Gogsadze and Mariam Kvashbaia from Publika were also fined for “blocking the road.” Additionally, the Ministry of Internal Affairs rejected the complaints of April editor Khatia Gghogoberidze and OC Media founder Mariam Nikuradze, upholding the 5,000 GEL fines previously imposed on each of them on the same grounds.

Additionally, Judge Romeo Tkeshelashvili fined Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty journalist Nino Tarkhnishvili 200 GEL for sitting on a chair without permission during the trial of one of the “prisoners of conscience.” Later, the appellate court annulled the fine imposed on Tarkhnishvili.

Persecution of Critically-Minded Employees at the Public Broadcaster

In 2025, the dynamics of government influence and interest consolidation became particularly evident at Georgia’s Public Broadcaster, which is funded from the state budget with tens of millions of GEL. During this year, several employees spoke publicly about censorship at the channel and exposed management’s attempts to interfere in editorial policy. Following these disclosures, these employees faced open persecution and intimidation.

According to the online platform Maqureli, around 30 employees who were critical of the management’s political stance were dismissed from the Public Broadcaster over the course of the year. Additionally, one of the most popular programs, Real Space, which addressed critically important public issues and gave a platform to respondents with differing opinions, was shut down (for more details on the ongoing processes at the Public Broadcaster, see the link).

Ban on Entry for Foreign Journalists

In 2025, the harmful practice of denying entry to foreign journalists covering ongoing protest actions in Georgia continued. On September 29, Italian journalist Giacomo Ferrara was refused entry into the country. On August 3, it became known that French photographer Hicham El Bouhmidi was also denied entry. In June, French journalist Mariliz Vignot was likewise barred from entering. In May, independent British journalist Will Niles, who had been living in Georgia since 2022, was refused entry.

It is noteworthy that this list is much longer and not limited to these cases. However, the vast majority of journalists refrain from publicizing such incidents to prevent similar obstacles during future visits, sharing the information only within a narrow professional circle.

In summary, the harmful practice of persecuting media representatives and journalists is a continuation of the repressive policy of the Georgian Dream party, aimed at eradicating free spaces in the country. Despite numerous difficulties, challenges, and the adoption of restrictive laws designed to silence independent media completely, at this critical juncture, Georgia’s critical media continues to resist the violent system. Even under conditions of limited resources, it persistently informs the public and works to counterbalance the pro-government television outlets’ propagandistic information landscape.