Based on our analysis of information provided by victims to their lawyers and publicly available sources, we can note that the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MIA) had premeditated and systematically brutal methods to suppress peaceful demonstrations that began on November 28.

Excessive use of force in dispersing protests

To disperse tens of thousands of peaceful protesters, the MIA employed various means, including water cannons mixed with unknown substances, pepper spray, tear gas of unidentified origin, and other measures. 

• In some instances, water cannons were deployed following warnings to disperse, while in other cases, riot police initiated chasing and capturing protesters, while warnings were issued after. 
• After using water cannons, riot police launched large quantities of tear gas capsules, which made breathing and visibility impossible, induced panic, and created a significant risk of stampedes and chaos. 
• To apprehend protesters engulfed in tear gas, special forces deployed strike teams that indiscriminately captured  anyone unable to leave the area in time. 
• In some cases, peaceful demonstrators who complied with dispersal orders were ambushed, surrounded, and arrested by special forces.

Torture, Inhumane, and Degrading Treatment of arrestees

• During arrests, special forces physically abused arrestees, continuing the violence after they were brought into police cordons and into minivans, which were designated for beatings.
• The interiors of these vehicles were designed to facilitate beatings of arrestees. Riot police entered these vehicles in rotation to physically assault arrestees.
• According to testimonies, arrestees were subjected to violence under the supervision of an individual directing how, where, and with what intensity the arrestees should be beaten. 
• Arrestees were struck with particular ferocity on their faces, heads, eyes, ribcages, and kidney areas.
• Alongside physical abuse, riot police robbed arrestees, taking their clothing, shoes, mobile phones, wallets, glasses, cross necklaces and other personal items.
• In one instance, a gas canister was thrown into a minivan where arrestees were held, after which the door was shut.
• Some arrestees were drenched with cold water after being beaten or were given items such as socks to clean their blood.
• Arrestees were subjected to verbal abuse, death threats, threats of rape, and threats to break their limbs.
• One arrestee’s lawyer reported that their client was taken to the Lisi area by law enforcement officers after their arrest and threatened with execution and burial on the spot.
• Riot police attempted to further humiliate injured arrestees by photographing or filming them in demeaning situations, forcing them to say self-deprecating phrases or praise Zviad Kharazishvili (known as "Khareba"). In some cases, the videos were personally recorded by Zviad Kharazishvili, the head of MIA’s Special Task Department.

Transfer of Beaten and Tortured arrestees to Police Departments and Detention Centers

• After initial physical abuse, riot police handed over arrestees to patrol police, who transported them to police stations and later to pre-detention facilities.
• Due to overcrowding, severely beaten arrestees, torn-clothed and drenched, were held for hours (on average three or more) in the arrest vehicles, before being admitted to pre-detention facilities, sometimes in other cities.
• The absolute majority of the arrest reports contained false or fabricated information.
• Even though arrestees showed visible signs of torture, they were not provided timely medical assistance or taken to appropriate medical facilities.
• Arrestees were denied access to lawyers and family before being transferred to pre-detention facilities.
• In most cases, after the 48-hour pretrial detention period had expired, detainees brought before the court from the facilities were not granted the right to a fair trial by the judge.

False Testimonies by Police Officers

• Administrative offense reports by police were generic and templated, describing identical accusations for all arrestees (e.g., 'used profanity' or 'insulted us'). These reports often contained repeated spelling errors across cases.
• Reports often lacked specifics such as the exact time of the alleged offense and vaguely described the location (e.g., “Rustaveli Avenue” or “near Parliament”).
• Police witnesses failed to specify what language or actions they considered unlawful under freedom of speech laws.
• Police witnesses presented in court give false testimony and attempt to describe alleged offenses using vague phrases such as, "used profanity indiscriminately," or "called us slaves and Russians." The testimony of police witnesses is nearly identical in almost all cases.
• Police witnesses fail to confirm or specify what lawful orders were given to individuals accused of disobedience. They do not provide or attach footage from body cameras or other surveillance cameras (such as those at the scene of the alleged offense) to the case files.
• According to the testimony of police witnesses, body cameras were always turned off, uncharged, or damaged, resulting in no video evidence documenting the alleged offenses.
• When multiple police officers serve as witnesses in a case, their testimonies are often contradictory and inconsistent with one another.
• Arrest reports contain false or inaccurate information, including details about the arresting officers. In many instances, the officers listed as making the arrest were not even present at the location of the alleged offense.
• Police witnesses claim in court to have observed the alleged offense, but they often do not appear in video footage of the arrest, submitted by the defense during court proceedings.
• In some cases, police witnesses state during court hearings that the individual was arrested on their orders by members of a special forces unit (whose identity is often unknown due to a lack of identifying marks). However, they fail to explain the legal basis for issuing such an order.
• Police witnesses are unable to adequately articulate the legal reasoning for classifying the alleged behavior as an offense.
• Frequently, judges and representatives of state agencies collaborate to shield police witnesses from critical questions posed by defense attorneys, often assisting them in answering through suggestive comments.
• In cases involving individuals with multiple injuries, police witnesses do not initiate investigations into the circumstances under which those injuries occurred.
   

List of Police Who Provided False Testimonies:

1. Giorgi Chareqashvili
2. Tornike Menabde
3. Sulkhan Kiknadze
4. Revaz Tsurtsumia
5. Zviad Margvelani
6. Zurab Gharibashvili
7. Davit Maruashvili
8. Otar Gelashvili

Over 450 people were reportedly arrested on administrative charges, with approximately 300 of them being victims of torture and other forms of mistreatment.

According to the Public Defender of Georgia, out of 327 arrestees their office met with, 225 reported mistreatment, and 157 showed visible physical injuries.

Based on analyzed information from victims' testimonies to lawyers and publicly available sources, we note that Georgia’s Ministry of Internal Affairs employed premeditated brutal methods and systemic torture to suppress peaceful protests that began on November 28.

Excessive use of force in dispersing protests

The Ministry of Internal Affairs used various special measures to disperse tens of thousands of peaceful demonstrators, including water cannons mixed with unknown substances, pepper spray, tear gas of uncertain composition, and other tactics.

In some instances, water cannons were deployed following warnings to disperse, while in other cases, riot police initiated chasing and capturing protesters, while warnings were issued after. 

After using water cannons, riot police launched large quantities of tear gas, which made breathing and visibility impossible, induced panic, and created a significant risk of stampedes and chaos.

To apprehend protesters engulfed in tear gas, special forces deployed strike teams that indiscriminately captured  anyone unable to leave the area in time.

In some cases, peaceful demonstrators who complied with dispersal orders were ambushed, surrounded, and arrested by special forces.

Torture, Inhumane, and Degrading Treatment of arrestees

During arrests, special forces physically abused arrestees, continuing the violence after they were brought into police cordons and into minivans, which were designated for beatings. Groups of officers would periodically enter these vehicles to assault arrestees, particularly in sensitive areas such as the face, head, and ribs. The violence and torture were directed by a supervisor who gave instructions on the intensity and location of the beatings. Along with physical abuse, arrestees were robbed of their personal belongings. 

Other reports describe arrestees, beaten and robbed, being doused with cold water. In some instances, injured arrestees were handed items like socks to clean their blood. The arrestees were subjected to verbal abuse, humiliation, and threats of death, rape, or severe bodily harm.
One lawyer reported that their client was taken to the Lisi area by law enforcement officers after their arrest and threatened with execution and burial on the spot.

Efforts to degrade and humiliate arrestees included taking photos and videos that documented their mockery and mistreatment. Arrestees were forced to recite humiliating phrases about themselves or chant the name of Zviad Kharazishvili (known as "Khareba"). In some cases, the videos were personally recorded by Zviad Kharazishvili, the head of MIA’s Special Task Department.

Transfer of beaten and tortured arrestees to police stations and detention facilities

After the physical abuse, arrestees were handed over to the patrol police, who transported them to various police departments and then to detention centers after 3-4 hours. Due to overcrowding, arrestees, severely beaten and in torn, wet clothes, had to wait in detention vehicles for several hours (typically 3 or more). In some cases, arrestees were transferred to detention centers in other cities. Most arrest records, created by the police before arrestees were placed in detention, contained false information. Despite clear signs of torture and physical abuse, arrestees were not provided with timely or adequate medical care, and when necessary, were not transferred to proper medical facilities. Before being placed in detention, arrestees were denied access to lawyers and the ability to contact their families. After the 48-hour detention period, most arrestees presented before the court were denied their right to a fair trial.

False Testimonies by Police Officers

Police administrative offense records are often standardized and contain false information. They describe arrestees' alleged actions in identical terms, such as "cursing" or "insulting," and fail to specify the time or precise location of the offenses. Police witnesses frequently provide vague or contradictory testimonies in court, and many cannot confirm the legal basis for their actions. They also fail to provide relevant video evidence, claiming cameras were off or damaged. In some cases, police witnesses cannot explain their involvement or the orders they followed during arrests. Judges and state representatives often work together to shield police witnesses from critical questions by the defense, assisting them with suggestive comments. Additionally, arrest records often contain inaccurate details about the officers involved, and police do not investigate injuries sustained by arrestees during their arrest.